From reparatory justice and UN reform to Gaza, critical minerals and Ghana’s economic recovery, President John Mahama used the UN General Assembly to argue that Africa must help shape the global order rather than simply live with decisions made elsewhere, reports Jon Offei-Ansah
Keypoints:
- Mahama demands greater African power in global institutions
- Reparations linked to debt, trade and economic reform
- Ghana’s 2027 AU leadership becomes the key test
PRESIDENT John Dramani Mahama used his September 24 address to the United Nations General Assembly to make a wider argument about Africa’s place in a world where institutions, economic relationships and centres of power are under growing strain.
He spoke about slavery and reparations, Gaza, Africa’s absence from permanent membership of the UN Security Council, climate finance, debt, critical minerals and Ghana’s economic recovery.
Yet one idea held the speech together: belonging.
Mahama began with his own identity — his birthplace in northern Ghana, his family, languages and cultural inheritance — before widening the argument to what happens when identity is turned into exclusion.
‘When belonging is weaponised by political expediency, it transforms into nativism, chauvinism, xenophobia and the dangerous prejudices that are extended to people who are deemed different from us,’ he said.
For Mahama, belonging became both a moral principle and a political test.
It gave him a way to link historical injustice, conflict, migration, economic inequality and Africa’s demand for greater influence in global affairs.
Speaking when silence is easier
Mahama made clear early on that he did not see the UN podium as a place for diplomatic ritual alone.
‘The world may not transform overnight because of the speeches that we deliver here,’ he said, ‘but history would faithfully record the truths we choose to speak and the silences that we choose to keep.’
That line set the tone.
The speech was less about unveiling new Ghanaian policies than about drawing existing positions together into a broader worldview: institutions lose legitimacy when large groups of people believe they have no meaningful voice within them.
Reparations move beyond apology
Mahama returned to Ghana’s campaign for the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialised chattel enslavement to be formally recognised as ‘the gravest crime against humanity’.
On March 25, 2026, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution A/RES/80/250 by 123 votes to three, with 52 abstentions.
Mahama framed the campaign not as an attempt to assign inherited guilt, but as part of a process of truth and repair.
‘We came not to provoke division or render empty judgement,’ he said.
‘We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth. And truth requires acknowledgement. And acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair.’
The significance lies in how he defined ‘repair’.
Mahama linked slavery’s historical legacy to modern economic structures: raw-material exports, expensive borrowing, debt burdens, credit ratings and unequal trade.
That shifts the reparations debate beyond compensation.
In Mahama’s telling, reparatory justice also means changing structures he believes continue to disadvantage Africa.
The UN vote was an important diplomatic victory, but the 52 abstentions and three votes against also showed that international agreement on what reparatory justice should involve remains far from settled.
Ghana has nevertheless succeeded in pushing the issue firmly into the multilateral system, building on a campaign Africa Briefing has followed closely.
‘Africa does not seek charity’
From reparations, Mahama moved to Africa’s economic position.
One of the strongest lines in the speech was also one of the shortest.
‘Africa does not seek charity. Africa seeks equal partnership.’
Mahama presented Africa not simply as a recipient of assistance, but as a continent with a young population, agricultural potential, a growing single market and resources increasingly important to global energy and technology industries.
That brought him to critical minerals.
‘Africa will not remain a passive arena for a new scramble for resources,’ he warned.
Then came the clearest statement of intent:
‘We will process our minerals at home.’
The line connects his UN diplomacy with policies Ghana is already pursuing.
Mahama has said Ghana wants major minerals processed locally by 2030 as part of a strategy to retain more value inside the country. Africa Briefing has examined Ghana’s push towards domestic mineral processing.
The political message is clear: Africa should not continue exporting raw resources while importing finished products.
But delivering that shift will be harder than declaring it.
Competitive processing requires reliable electricity, infrastructure, capital, technology, skilled labour and predictable regulation.
Mahama’s larger point was that Africa’s strategic minerals should become a source of bargaining power rather than another chapter in an extractive relationship.
Africa’s missing Security Council seat
The same question of power emerged in his call for reform of the UN Security Council.
Africa still has no permanent member on the Council, whose five permanent seats remain held by China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States.
Mahama called that situation unacceptable.
‘Security Council reform is not a favour to Africa,’ he said. ‘It is an imperative for the legitimacy, the credibility and the survival of the United Nations.’
That framing matters.
Mahama was not asking the permanent powers to make room for Africa as an act of generosity. He was arguing that the credibility of the institution itself is weakened when an entire continent remains outside permanent representation.
Africa’s common position calls for at least two permanent seats, alongside expanded non-permanent representation. The UN reform process continues to record that demand.
Mahama’s contribution was to link representation directly to legitimacy.
Gaza and selective morality
Mahama reserved some of his strongest language for Gaza.
He accused the international community of hiding behind ‘diplomatic euphemisms’ instead of confronting the scale of civilian suffering.
‘How many more lives must be lost before the world acts with decisive moral authority?’ he asked.
He referred to five-year-old Hind Rajab and said more than 20,000 children had been killed. UNICEF reported that at least 21,700 children had been reported killed in Gaza by June 30, 2026.
Mahama condemned collective punishment, forced starvation and mass displacement, while reaffirming Ghana’s recognition of Palestine and support for a two-state solution.
But he also condemned ‘all acts of terrorism by Hamas’ and called on every party to respect international humanitarian law.
Then came one of the defining lines of the speech:
‘Our moral standards cannot be selective.’
That sentence captured Mahama’s wider criticism of the international system.
He was not arguing that international rules should matter less. He was arguing that they should apply consistently.
His references to Cuba, Sudan, the Sahel, Ukraine and the Middle East followed the same logic: sovereignty, civilian protection, humanitarian access and accountability should not depend on political alignment.
Climate justice becomes a debt issue
Mahama used climate change to make another argument about inequality.
Africa contributes a relatively small share of global greenhouse-gas emissions but faces severe exposure to climate shocks.
He argued that countries with comparatively little historical responsibility for emissions should not have to borrow heavily to recover from their consequences.
‘Climate justice demands that developed nations must fulfil their long overdue financial commitments,’ he said, calling for ‘predictable non-debt creating grants’.
The connection with the rest of his speech was clear.
For Mahama, climate finance cannot be separated from debt, and debt cannot be separated from a wider debate over whether the international financial system treats poorer countries fairly.
Mahama turns the mirror on Africa
The speech might have become a catalogue of what the outside world has done wrong.
Instead, Mahama turned the argument back on African governments.
‘Even as we demand a place at the table and call for a more equitable and just global order, as African leaders, we must also do what is required to put our own houses in order,’ he said.
Then came the legal maxim:
‘Whoever comes into equity must come with clean hands.’
That passage gave the speech balance.
Mahama demanded reform abroad but also acknowledged failures at home.
African governments, he said, must be transparent, accountable and serious about corruption.
The argument was straightforward: Africa can demand a fairer international system while still accepting responsibility for the quality of its own governance.
Ghana as the test case
Mahama then presented Ghana’s recent economic performance as evidence that disciplined government can produce results.
He cited lower inflation, a stronger currency, improved growth and reduced debt vulnerability.
There is substance behind the broad stabilisation claim.
In July, the IMF completed the sixth and final review of Ghana’s $3bn Extended Credit Facility programme and said the country had made ‘substantial gains’ in macroeconomic stabilisation and debt sustainability.
But the IMF also identified vulnerabilities, including risks linked to state-owned enterprises, the financial sector and the heavy reliance of fiscal adjustment on spending restraint.
That qualification matters.
Ghana may have moved beyond the worst of its recent macroeconomic crisis, but stabilisation is not the same as transformation.
Mahama appeared to acknowledge that.
‘Macroeconomic indicators mean little if they do not translate into real improvements in our people’s daily lives,’ he said. ‘Economic growth and progress must have a human face.’
He then pointed to infrastructure, the 24-hour economy, export development, healthcare and social protection.
His political message was captured in another memorable sentence:
‘Democracy loses its soul when it protects elite privileges while abandoning the vulnerable.’
The real test comes in 2027
Mahama’s address also looked ahead to Ghana’s expected leadership of the African Union in 2027.
Ghana was endorsed by ECOWAS to chair the AU in 2027, and preparations are already under way.
Africa Briefing has reported on the strategic work being prepared for Mahama’s AU agenda.
That chairmanship is where the ideas voiced in New York will meet political reality.
Calling for African unity is one thing. Building consensus among 55 AU member states with different economic, security and diplomatic interests is another.
Security Council reform, reparatory justice, AfCFTA implementation, mineral value addition, debt reform and conflict resolution are all major ambitions.
The challenge will be deciding where Ghana can realistically concentrate its political capital.
From Nkrumah to a wider freedom
Mahama ended where he began — with belonging.
‘That refugee fleeing violence belongs. That migrant seeking opportunity belongs. That child in Gaza, Sudan or Ukraine belongs.’
Then he returned to Kwame Nkrumah’s declaration that Ghana’s independence would be meaningless unless linked to the liberation of Africa.
Mahama extended that idea:
‘The freedom of any nation is insecure unless it is linked to the freedom of all humanity.’
That is perhaps the clearest way to understand the speech.
Mahama was not calling for Africa to turn away from the international system.
He was arguing that Africa should wield considerably more influence within it.
He wants greater African representation at the UN, fairer financial terms, more value retained from African resources and more consistent application of international rules.
At the same time, he acknowledged that African governments cannot make that case credibly while tolerating corruption or weak institutions.
The ambitions are substantial, and speeches alone will not deliver them.
But Mahama has now defined the argument Ghana intends to carry into its 2027 AU leadership.
What follows will show whether that argument can be turned into African consensus — and whether that consensus can become influence.